LBS Work Experience Week

In the week beginning 30 June, the LBS team was joined by five Year 12 (17 year-old) students from City and Islington College in London as well as by a student who has just graduated from high school in New York. They all worked hard and asked many questions which challenge the way we view our own research. Here is their blog.

Studying A-level History

At college, we study A-level History which allows us to cover an array of topics in the modern period (19th and 20th centuries). We have previously learnt about the American civil rights movement (1945-68), the decline of Tsarism and rise of Bolshevism in Russia (1884-1924) and the development of nationalism in India under British rule (1900-47). While we found these subjects to be interesting, the course often lacked flexibility and creativity as it was naturally catered to a rigid exam structure with limited opportunity to expand beyond the narrow scope of  questions. We found it disappointing that a year’s worth of learning was condensed into about two and a half hours of exam time, with much of the course not even referred to. Of course we cannot radically reverse the exam system and study whatever we choose, but the way we currently learn is too confined.

To improve the way history is taught at this level, we feel that there should be greater use of independent and group research projects,  debates, critical discussions and presentations. There should also be a greater emphasis on wider reading and more guidance into how to improve our understanding of historical matters. We were given plenty of resources such as reading lists and access to presentations on Moodle, but we would like to see the inclusion of more primary sources through visits to archives and so on. We found ourselves relying too much on the textbooks provided as they strictly adhered to the syllabus and thus felt that they were our best chance at securing a strong grade. Although we cannot escape the inevitability of exams, they allow little room for us to properly express reasoned judgement on historical controversies because of time constraints. Furthermore, many question the value of history today and believe it to be a subject that consists of nothing more than studying the dead and slogging through dusty books. To tackle this apathy, we want to see more lessons on the relevance of what we learn in history and how it relates to or affects modern society. For example, we can explicitly link the plight of the civil rights movement in the mid 20th century to current racial tensions or pressure group activity.

Our experience with the LBS project and thoughts on how the subject of slavery should be taught     

During the week, our role involved developing profiles on individual slave-owners in the Caribbean, absentee owners in Britain and others involved in the system to the LBS database. We obtained information primarily from a text entitled Jamaica Plantership by Benjamin McMahon – an Irish soldier who moved to Jamaica in search of new opportunities in 1819. He primarily worked as an overseer and a book-keeper on a variety of plantations on the island, later recording his experiences of his eighteen years there. As well as reading his work, we also made use of archival evidence, censuses, slave registers and geo-referencing with maps. In addition, we visited various sites around London relating to slavery and its legacies including former slave-owners’ houses around the Bloomsbury area, the Senate House library (where we read letters from Thomas Lane – an absentee planter), the Hackney library archives and the Museum of London Docklands.

Not only have we contributed to a public historical resource, we have improved our knowledge of this period of controversial history. It is this controversy that has made us consider how the subject of slavery should be taught to young people of all ages. Slavery is naturally an uncomfortable topic for many; however, we feel that it is not something that should be avoided or shied away from because of its incredible impact and significance that still resonates today. We should address the subject face on in a meaningful way that doesn’t overlook the horrors of slavery and Britain’s involvement, but also explores the motives and attitudes of individual slave-owners.  This investigation will allow for meaningful critical discussion of the history of the slavery system.

Many features of  transatlantic slavery go unnoticed by a lot of people. For example, we were surprised to learn that the largest number of  enslaved Africans were in fact sent to Brazil by the Portuguese, contrary to our belief that North America was the main destination. We were also unaware of how slavery was intertwined with the development of Britain as a nation and how its legacies, whether they be commercial, political, cultural and imperial, can be recognised today. As we understand, this is what the LBS project seeks to highlight.

by Robert, Hannah, Ogo, Simone, David and Molly

(We are all grateful for this opportunity to be involved in the LBS project and would like to thank Rachel Lang for all her support and information provided throughout this experience. We would also like to thank Kristy, Nick, Keith, Hannah and Cari for running very interesting and engaging sessions throughout this week.)  

Landscapes and Lifescapes: Caribbean and Highland Connections

By: Nick Draper and Rachel Lang

On Friday June 19th and Saturday 20th, we attended the Landscapes and Lifescapes: Material Spaces and Stories of Connection between the Caribbean and the Scottish Highlands, 1700 to the present symposium at the Highland Archive Centre in Inverness.  Landscapes and Lifescapes, led by Karly Kehoe of Glasgow Caledonian and Chris Dalglish of Glasgow, is a collaborative project between more than a dozen academics, archivists, heritage workers and independent scholars in Scotland, focused in its current phase on the legacies of the Highlands’ engagement in colonial slavery (there is more about the project on its Facebook page).

Northern Infirmary plaqueAlthough Landscapes and Lifescapes – like the LBS project itself- is interested in both tangible and intangible legacies of slavery, our start-point was the physical landscape.  Friday was devoted to a walking tour of Inverness and visits to Cromarty and Kiltearn on the nearby Black Isle to explore some of the many sites associated with British colonial slavery. In Inverness these included the Northern Infirmary and the Inverness Royal Academy (both of whose initial subscribers included a significant proportion of slave-owners), the footbridges uniting the south-western part of the city funded by John Ross of Berbice, and town-houses built and owned by slave-owners.  Unusually, in the case of the Northern Infirmary the role of slave-wealth in its foundation has been recognised in a plaque at the main entrance. 

At Cromarty we saw the proto-factory established in the 1770s to process hemp from Russia and the Baltic into bags for use in the West Indies, and the harbour built to support that trade, as well as the houses of some major slave-owning mercantile families, including the Davidsons and the Grahams.  At Kiltearn we saw the church and remains of the manse of the Rainy family, the centre of a very significant network of Caribbean slave-owners. We were fortunate to be guided by David Alston, the historian and local Councillor, whose work on the connections between the Highlands and the slave-owners of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice (now collectively Guyana) in South America, entitled Slaves and Highlanders, pioneered the kind of work now taken up by LBS and by Landscapes and Lifescapes.  

On Friday night, Nick had the honour of giving the keynote address for the symposium to a full house in a public lecture on ‘Scotland, the Scottish Highlands and the Legacies of British Slave-ownership’ (which used LBS’ work to provide a context for the consideration of the Highlands’ specific role in the colonial slave-economy) at the Highland Archive Centre in Inverness. The Centre, opened in 2009, is a purpose-built testimony to the importance attached by the national and regional government in Scotland to the heritage of the Highlands.

On Saturday there were 3 panels each of 3 presentations, which set out the conceptual basis of the Landscapes and Lifescapes project, presented case studies of Highland slave-owners, considered more discursive questions of the representation of slavery in and for the Highlands, and highlighted some very powerful manuscript material by and concerning regional slave-owners from the collection of the Highland Archive itself.

David Alston’s paper applied behavioural economics and nudge thinking to the question of why Scots emigrated to British Guiana in the later 18th and early 19th centuries. He stressed the high risk of failure and the prevalence of stereotypes and personal connections to explain why these emigrating Scots may have acted in a way which was likely to be against their best interests.

Stephen Mullen’s case study of John Lamont (1782-1850) charted Lamont’s rise to fortune and the ways in which his wealth was transmitted back to Scotland. Lamont built Benmore House near Dunoon in 1849 and his main beneficiary was his nephew [Sir] James Lamont (who is in the ODNB as an ‘Arctic yachtsman’). As an illegitimate son of local gentry in Argyll, Lamont’s changing relationship with his family was particularly interesting.

 Benmore House, Argyll

Michael Hopcroft presented his georeferenced maps of Berbice (1802) and Demerara (1798) with customised visualisations of the spread of Scottish planters and the development of Scots’ influence over time. He overlaid the map of Demerara on a modern google map to show the continued influence of old boundaries today.

Gains Murdoch used the Old Statistical Account of Scotland to examine the clergy’s attitudes towards colonisation and imperial fortunes. Often disapproving of luxury and suspicious of emigration, the voices of local clergy contrasted with the Scottish intelligentsia’s writings against slavery.

Harriet, 2nd Duchess of Sutherland (c) National Trust, Cliveden; Supplied by The Public Catalogue Foundation

Annie Tindley compared the Scottish internal upheaval of the Highland Clearances with external campaigns for abolition. Her case study of Harriet, 2nd Duchess of Sutherland examined the ways in which the two debates were intertwined. Harriet was a prominent abolitionist who faced charges of hypocrisy for her family’s role in the Sutherland clearances. Amongst her most vocal critics was Karl Marx who described the Sutherlands as exploiting ‘wage slavery’ and who compared large scale land-ownership with other forms of ownership including the use of people as property.

 

 

A recurring theme of the symposium was how the past is with us in the present, a theme reflected in both Friday’s tour of the Highlands and Saturday’s historical papers. Karly Kehoe’s comments on the economic and cultural value of Scotland’s heritage and the social function of universities underscored the importance of public recognition and public ownership of the history of slavery even (and perhaps especially) in communities where that history conflicts with dominant extant narratives of the oppression and exploitation of those communities themselves.

Jamaica Research Trip

By: Kate Donington

Primary Research Undertaken at the National Archives of Jamaica

I recently spent five weeks in Jamaica. The majority of my time was spent visiting the National Archives of Jamaica in Spanish Town. The National Archives contain   relevant material for forming the building blocks of the next phase of the database for slave-owners with links to Jamaica in the late eighteenth and early 19th centuries. They give us an important data set from 1763 until 1809 when the Jamaica Almanacs begin to list the plantations and by whom they were registered. Last year I spent three months working on the Crop Accounts and I returned this year to continue working on this set of documents. They are a rich source for reconstructing the management structure and personnel on the plantations. The Crop Accounts were initially used as a mechanism to stop fraud on the estates of ‘vulnerable’ people who were defined as those owners who were absent from the island, women, children, and the recently deceased. The documents tell you who owned the estate, who filed the account (usually the overseer but sometimes the book keeper) and on whose order (usually the attorney / guardian / administrator / executor / trustee), as well as the name of the estate, its location, what it produced, the amount of produce, the value of the produce and sometimes who it was shipped to and sold by in Britain. These records give us the basic detail we need to establish ownership of Jamaican plantations.

This research was really brought to life with a tour around St Iago de la Vega in Spanish Town by the wonderfully knowledgeable Bill Poinsett. The building, which is located just behind Emancipation Square, contains the memorial inscriptions and tombs of some of the most powerful planter families in Jamaica. Inside it is easy to imagine the ‘notables and worthies’ of the parish vying for space to display their status and wealth to the congregation. There are also two John Bacon sculptures in the church. The engraving that I found the most interesting was located at the back of the church by the entrance for the less illustrious attendees. Alongside the faces of medieval lords and ladies, rendered in the gothic fashion, was the face of an African carved into the stonework. Bill considered that this might have been an acknowledgment of the enslaved and free Africans who had helped to build the cathedral.

Association of Caribbean Historians Conference
College of the Bahamas

As this trip occurred towards the end of my time with the project, it was a privilege to present some of our research to audiences in the Caribbean as well as to listen to academics from the region who have been working on these issues for many years. Three project members gave papers at the Association of Caribbean Historians which took place 17 May – 22 May at the College of the Bahamas. The scope of research taking place on the Caribbean was incredibly exciting. Placing slavery within this broad church of topics and chronologies is demonstrative of the fact that the institution represents an important, but not the only, story to be told about Caribbean history. The opening panel considered the issue of reparations for slavery – an indication of the impact of CARICOM’s decision to pursue reparations from the European governments involved in benefitting from slavery. The panel that I presented on included papers from Nick Draper, Kristy Warren and Margaret Williamson. Kristy, Nick and I had planned to address different aspects of the experience of slavery; Nick focused on the relationship between slavery and the state, Kristy looked at the lives of enslaved children in St. Kitts and my paper looked at the ways in which slavery impacted on the family. Margaret’s paper complimented those from the Legacies project by offering an analysis of the practice of naming enslaved people on a single estate in Jamaica.

History Workshop in Jamaica

History Workshop Jamaica

On 2 June the Legacies project, in partnership with the History department at the University of the West Indies, Mona Campus presented a workshop on the ‘Structure and significance of British Caribbean Slave-ownership 1763-1833.’ We were very lucky to have had the support and assistance of the staff at UWI and the event was very well attended throughout the day. Presenters from UWI included Dr. Suzanne Francis-Brown, Ms. Nicole Plummer, Dr. James Robertson , Professor Veront Satchell, and Ms. Louisiana Vernon. They gave papers on the history of Hope, Papine and Mona estates, the display of wealth in Kingston, the development of business culture during the period of slavery and a case study of Robert Sewell who was Agent for Jamaica. It was great to hear from both staff and PhD students who are working on histories of the slavery era.

For this event the Legacies team focused on Jamaica. Nick gave a detailed background of what the compensation records can tell us about the nature of slave-ownership in Jamaica. I, and PhD student James Dawkins, focused on case studies of particular Jamaican families – the Hibberts and the Dawkins respectively. Catherine Hall gave two papers – the first set out the thinking that underpinned the Legacies project. The second was based on her research into Edward Long and his seminal text The History of Jamaica. She outlined the ways in which his work continued to shape notions of race and place – her intervention moved the conversation away from simply considering the impact of slavery on wealth accumulation and instead critiqued its pernicious effects on the systems of thought that structure our human relationships. I also gave a paper on the outreach and educational work we have been doing – part of which is aimed at combatting some of the damaging ideas about race, identity, home and belonging that have their roots in the kind of thinking propagated by Edward Long and the proslavery supporters.

The workshop was a much needed opportunity to exchange ideas with colleagues in Jamaica and listen to each other’s research. As Professor Matthew Smith pointed out – we collectively work on a transatlantic history and it is only by examining both sides of the story that we can move towards a better understanding of what it meant and continues to mean.

John Knox House and the legacies of slavery

Guest Blog by: R. J. Morris[1]

John Knox House 1843‘John Knox House’ stands in the lower part of Edinburgh’s High Street near to the old town-gate, the Netherbow. It is picturesque in the true meaning of the word. Tourists and citizens often stand across the street with their cameras. As a result of an unlikely alliance between the Free Church of Scotland and the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, this sixteenth-century merchant’s house survived attempts to demolish it in the 1840s. Despite lack of evidence, it was widely believed that Knox, founder of Protestant Scotland, had spent his final years in the house. For many it was holy ground. None the less, the survival of the house was to be both threatened and assisted by a complex web of the legacies of slavery.

The Free Church of Scotland resulting from the Disruption of the Kirk in 1843 was no ordinary dissenting church. The ambition was to replace the Church of Scotland as the national church, independent of the state. Christ was the head of the church not the Pope nor the Sovereign. Such an ambition required huge amounts of money for churches, manses and schools. Fund raising involved a trip to North America where large sums were raised including a substantial amount from the slave states of the southern USA where the Presbyterian Church was strong.

At this point Frederick Douglass arrived on the scene. A skilled and forceful campaigner, he formed an alliance with a variety of radical and anti-slavery groups in Scotland and promptly challenged the Free Church with the slogan ‘send back the money’.[2] Meetings were held, doggerel verse was printed, and children shouted slogans in the street. Douglass knew how to hit the Scots; how could those who had experienced the Highland clearances support slavery; did they know teaching black people to read the Bible was a crime in the slave states?

The Free Church leadership was clearly uncomfortable. Motions in the General Assembly were remitted to committee and deferred for future consideration. The Free Church was supremely confident of its own virtue but insecure regarding its future and hence often regarded critics of the Free Church as dangerous enemies of the true faith. Many concluded that the anti-slavery movement was the work of Satan.

It was time to hit back. Henry Clarke Wright and George Thompson, the British anti-slavery campaigners, had given lectures in Rose Street Chapel, belonging to the rival Secession Church. The Free Church defenders claimed that the Rose Street Missionary Society had accepted £500 from the owners of the Goshen Estate in Jamaica, owners who had just ‘pocketed their share of the TWENTY MILLIONS – ‘the price of blood’– with which Great Britain purchased the freedom of the whole slaves of the West Indies.[3]  They received over £7,000 in compensation for 428 enslaved people. Andrew Fyfe, Secretary of the Rose Street Missionary Society replied, no money went to Rose Street, they just sent the preacher. Still, Rose Street had given its pulpit to those who attacked the Free Church. This was not forgotten.

The 1820 Return of the enslaved people living on Alexander Aikman's Birnam Wood Estate in Jamaica.The Independent Church in Argyle Square was another target. The initial claim was that the Rev. John Aikman had built the church with money inherited from his slave owning father. In fact, it turned out that father was ‘a respectable tradesman’ from Bo’ness just west of Edinburgh on the Forth. It was brother Alexander, King’s printer in Jamaica who owned enslaved people. He indeed got £6,940 for 354 enslaved people under the 1833 emancipation act. Some of these people were employed in his printing works. Brother William was a bookseller who had two enslaved people, Harry and Neddy, employed as domestic servants. John, who had one enslaved person employed as a stable boy, inherited William’s wealth. On William’s death, these three were all granted their freedom and John returned to Edinburgh.[4] The Free Church was satisfied that even if John’s direct involvement with slaveholding had been small, he had ‘made his money by trading with slaveholders’ and thus money had gone ‘from the foul hands of the slaver-dealer’ to finance the building of Argyle Square Chapel. Insult was added when Edinburgh Corporation decided to give the freedom of the city to George Thompson, seasoned radical agitator, anti-slavery campaigner and, for the Free Church, worst of all, a Sabbath breaker.

Frederick Douglass and James Buffum looked on.[5] It was a violent and bitter contest for public virtue fought with all the weapons of civil society, the public meeting, the celebrity visitors, reports and editorials in the newspapers, pamphlets and letters to the newspapers.[6]  Scotland had a sustained and complex relationship with the Atlantic slave economies, often involving the trading activities of people like William Aikman as much as direct ownership. It was inevitable that political campaigns around slavery issues would be tense as there were few groups, political, religious or social who did not have some experience or history of gain. The Disruption meant that a key and dynamic group in Scotland failed to participate with any clarity but saw the primary issues as the need to defend their church and faith. The moral and religious claims of the Free Church were not negotiable.

Strangely and significantly no-one mentioned the major inputs of compensation to the Free Church leadership, although this must have been known at least to the parliamentarians involved. The Marquis of Breadalbane shared £6,630 for the 379 enslaved people of the Hope Estate in Jamaica; Francis Brown Douglas, advocate, received almost £3,700 for one estate in St Vincent and a share of the compensation for a second.

John Knox House modernThe legacies of slavery fed a growing intra-protestant sectarian bitterness. The alliance to save John Knox House was threatened and only stuck back together by the skilled diplomacy of Daniel Wilson, the young secretary of the Antiquaries.

Scotland’s links with slavery and the slave economies are increasingly acknowledged.[7] Jamaica Street is quietly hidden in the New Town of Edinburgh. The ‘stooshie’[8] around John Knox House was a reminder of how diverse and diffuse were the links with slavery and how threatening such links could be to social cohesion in situations already divided by sectarianism, party politics and social class. Memories of slavery were not just a threat to Scotland’s sense of virtue but a barrier to social co-operation. Both dimensions account for the ‘silences’ that obscure this history.[9]

[1] We are very grateful to R. J. Morris for this blog. He is Emeritus Professor of Economic and Social History, University of Edinburgh. He was also a member of the Advisory Panel of phase 1 of the LBS project.

[2] Iain Whyte,  Send Back the Money! The Free Church of Scotland and American Slavery (Edinburgh 2012).

[3] The Witness, 9 May 1846.

[4]  Letter from M. and Jas. Aikman, The Witness, 9 May 1846.

[5]  The Witness, 10 June 1846.

[6]  It was claimed that the pamphlet, The Free Church and her Accusers on the matter of American Slavery: being a letter to Mr. George Thompson regarding his recent appearances in this City, signed a Free Churchman (Edinburgh, 1846), [NLS 3.2744(5)] sold over 6,000 copies in the first weeks of June 1846. The Witness, 12 May 1846.

[7] James Robertson, Joseph Knight (London, 2004) is a novel but gives an idea of Scotland’s complex relationship with slavery. Paxton House in the Borders, almost totally financed by the slave economy, has developed thoughtful links with the High Commissioner for Grenada, Berwickshire News, 8 December 2014.

[8] There is no decent English equivalent of this Scots word but you can work it out from the context.

[9] John Knox House has re-invented itself as the ‘Story Telling Centre’, a project active in the re-making of Scottish culture as an open and creative environment which the historical John Knox might have regarded with astonishment.

Conferences at Wellesley College and Yale

By: Nick Draper

Over the past couple of weeks, I’ve been fortunate enough to participate in two conferences in the US, Slavery, Compensation, Reparations at Wellesley (24th October) and Visualising Slavery & British Culture in the Eighteenth Century at Yale (7th-8th November).

The Wellesley event was organised through the Africana Studies department and was primarily student-led, incorporating sessions with small groups of Selwyn Cudjoe’s undergraduates as well as the formal presentations of the public conference itself. I spoke alongside Eric Graham of Edinburgh and Will Pettigrew of Kent in linked papers on British slavery, while Kwadwo Osei-Nyame of SOAS and John Torpey of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies at CUNY presented contrasting points of view on reparations for the African diaspora and for African-Americans. The resulting free-for-all was chaired by Louis Lee Sing, the immediately past Mayor of Port of Spain, Trinidad: he brought home the difference in quality and inclusiveness made by a chairman with political skills, in contrast to the customary performance of this role by the most senior academic at hand. Clearly the campaign for reparations for slavery has a long history in all four continents, since the era of slavery itself, but the political salience of the issue has fluctuated and its geographic centre has shifted over time. The sense I took away both from Wellesley and from a couple of truly off-hand comments at Yale was that in the US, where the reparations discussion was centred in the 1990s and early 2000s, the issue has become much less salient in the past decade, despite the continuing efforts of campaigners. By contrast, the CARICOM initiative has brought reparations for slavery formally onto the table for the first time in Europe and to an extent in West Africa, posing a challenge currently not only to European governments but also to the pre-existing reparations movements in the diaspora in Europe.

The Yale conference was organised at the Yale Center for British Art by the YCBA and the Gilder Lehrman Center for the Study of Slavery, Resistance & Abolition, and marked the opening of the Figures of Empire: slavery and portraiture in 18th century Atlantic Britain exhibition at the YCBA, curated by two PhD candidates, Meredith Gamer and Esther Chadwick, together with Cyra Levenson of the YCBA. I was privileged to speak alongside Saidiya Hartman of Columbia and Roxann Wheeler of Ohio State in a panel on ‘Slavery and the Archive’. The conference was recorded and will, I understand, shortly be available in its entirety online, so I won’t try to summarise the content of the six panels and 18 presentations here. The two over-arching themes appeared to me to be: (1) the question of method, i.e. how can different types of history (cultural, political, economic, social, ‘institutional’) be deployed in combination rather than in competition to aid the recovery of the past in the context of slavery, and what role can the ‘imagined archive’ play in that process; and (2) the extent to which the structures of museums and universities themselves continue to reproduce the same power-relations that gave rise to slavery (it was contended) in the first place. This second issue is a difficult one: members of the audience pushed back on the implied conflation of expertise and elitism, but also sensed the force of the argument (and were perhaps cautious in responding to it publicly).

Both conferences underlined the resource base of the elite US universities but also the intensity of engagement by the undergraduate and postgraduate bodies in grasping the opportunities that such a resource base offers them. I’m grateful to the organisers of both for the chance to present on the LBS project to audiences we would not ordinarily reach. In combination, the two allowed me to meet academic and other professional colleagues (rather perversely, from Britain as well as from the US) who have already provided information and suggestions for the project and with whom in some cases there is the basis for fruitful formal and concrete collaboration in future.

Searching for the Dawkins Family’s Physical Legacies in Jamaica

By: James Dawkins

One of the key avenues of research currently being pursued by the Legacies of British Slave-ownership project is the physical footprints left behind by slave-owners. In the case of the Dawkins family one of the most conspicuous of these are the ruins of their former sugar estates. For them and other slave-owning dynasties, plantations and enslaved labour were critical sources of production which were harnessed for the manufacture of sugar and rum that was shipped and sold in Britain.[1] The revenue generated from the Dawkins’ Jamaican holdings became the family’s primary stream of revenue up until the abolition of slavery in 1833.[2] As part of my investigation into the physical legacies, I undertook 3 months of field research in Jamaica on the Dawkins family and their historical link with the island through slavery. This included visiting sugar work ruins on four of the estates that they possessed and a trip to St. Paul’s Anglican Church where the remains of three family members were reinterred after their estates were sold off in the early 1900s.

Between 1665 and 1833 the Dawkins family acquired a total of 17 plantations. The majority of these were located in the parish of Clarendon in Jamaica and covered over 25,000 acres of land.[3] Their seven most productive estates were Friendship, Old Plantation, Parnassus, Suttons, Windsor, Caymanas and Tredways; the latter two were situated in the adjoining parishes of St. Catherine and St. Thomas-in-the-Vale respectively. I am currently researching the acquisition, development, management, productivity and labour organisation across the family’s estates and so I have spent much of my time examining the crop accounts, financial indexes, maps, land surveys, and registers of enslaved peoples to help me understand the family’s activities in this respect. To get a better understanding of the scale and workings of these estates, I took a day-trip, arranged by the Jamaica National Heritage Trust, to Caymanas, Parnassus, Suttons, and Friendship.Locations of the sugar estates visited

Great House Ruins, Caymanas Plantation, St. CatherineSetting off at 6am in the morning my first stop was at Caymanas which lies halfway between Kingston and Spanish Town. It is still used for the cultivation of sugar cane today and has been merged with several other estates to form one large plantation. Not much is left in terms of the sugar factory, living quarters or other outhouses such as stables, with the only ruin that I could see being the large set of steps in photo 1. A resident informed me that the staircase formed part of the main entrance to the overseer’s house which disintegrated after a severe storm many years ago. I have seen an old photo of this residence, which was taken in 1881, and the ruins match up with the original structure as shown in the old photo partially confirming the ruins as the site of the overseer’s house.

Steps Ruins, Parnassus Plantation, ClarendonThe next stop was Parnassus plantation which is located approximately 45 miles South West of Caymanas in the parish of Clarendon. The estate lies in the lower reaches of the district on the flood plain of the River Minho and is presently used for the cultivation of sugar cane.[4] A labourer I met said that after the abolition of slavery, the estate converted to banana farming and then resumed producing sugar cane. In terms of physical remnants, the only ruins that I encountered were a series of concrete steps surrounded by outlying rubble. These remains were situated on top of a hill about 30 metres above the surrounding cane fields. It is difficult to determine which part of the estate they belonged to, possibly the great house which is likely to have been strategically situated to provide the overseer/slave-owner with a clear view of the estate and the activities taking place on it. According to a colour map of the estate, composed by the surveyor James Craddock in 1758, Parnassus contained several mills which were reliant upon wind, water and animal power.[5] The plantation was connected another estate possessed by the Dawkins’ called Sandy Gully which I never visited as there were no reported ruins on there.

Waterwheel House, Suttons Suttons Plantation, ClarendonUpon leaving Parnassus I headed north to Suttons which lies just west of Chapelton and around 2 miles North East of the Lucky Valley plantation once owned by Edward Long.[6] The River Minho runs along the boundary of the estate and a large aqueduct was built to transport the water from the river down to the large wheel that no longer exists at the sugar factory which is situated roughly 300 metres from the river. The crop accounts at the Jamaica Archives show Suttons to be the second most productive sugar estate possessed by the Dawkins’ with an average output of 211 hogsheads of sugar and 89 puncheons of rum per annum between 1763 and 1800.[7] The most productive was Old Plantation which produced an average of 244 hogsheads and 95 puncheons per year.[8] Sutton’s boiling house still exists along with three concrete chassis which held the large copper pans that were used to heat the juice extracted from the sugar cane. Rays of sunlight shone through the canopy of banana and cocoa trees which were growing throughout the ruins along with the vines which have embedded themselves amongst the cracks and crevices of the walls. I walked around the perimeter of the sugar works which took about 15 minutes marvelling at the extensive area it covered and its great height. This experience in particular has encourage me to consider the extent to which the architecture, productive capacity, labour organisation and management of Caribbean sugar factories acted as a blue print for the factories that were established during Britain’s industrialisation.[9]

Holding Tank, Friendship Plantation, ClarendonThe final estate that I visited was Friendship. This is estate is roughly 8.5 miles north-west of Suttons and 7 miles west of Trout Hall, another estate possessed by the Dawkins’, which has become prominent for its oranges. Similarly to Caymanas and Parnassus, the ruins at Friendship are few and far between. Much of the estate is now overgrown with all sorts of vegetation and the only remaining ruins that I managed to locate were an unmarked grave and a rectangular structure which looked like a holding tank. There is an old dam approximately 2 miles uphill from the estate which originally fed water into an aqueduct that transported it downhill to the mills at the estate, as shown in Richard Craddock’s 1758 plan of the Friendship estate.[10]

St. Paul's Anglican Church, Chapelton, ClarendonAn entry for the slave-owner James Dawkins (1722-1757) in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography states that he, his father, Henry (d.1744), and mother, Elizabeth (nee Pennant) (d.1757), were initially buried at a family estate called Old Plantation and that their remains were moved and reinterred at St. Paul’s Anglican Church in Chapelton in 1922 when the estate was sold off.[11] I was interested to know whether or not the graves were still there and stopped off at the church to see if I could find them. It was locked up when I arrived and just as I was about to turn back I spotted the caretaker, Mr Abner Watson, who kindly allowed me to enter the burial grounds to search for the graves. Unable to find them after a meticulous scan I was ready to leave when Mr Watson said that there were a few people buried inside the church. Kindly agreeing to give me entry, he unlocked the door, walked up the central aisle and pulled back the long dusty brown carpet that ran the full length of the aisle revealing the graves of Henry, Elizabeth and James Dawkins. I was surprised to see them there and later realised that their conspicuous position was symbolic of their social prominence in Clarendon. The church is said to have been constructed in 1666 as a chapel-of-ease, making it more convenient for the local planters to worship as opposed to travelling down to the main parish church at Vere which was some distance away.[12] Several individuals of high social standing, who died in the early 1700s and could have been other slave-owners, are buried directly beside the exterior walls of the church.The Grave of James Dawkins, St. Paul's Anglican Church, Chapelton, Clarendon

This was a revealing trip that brought some of the physical legacies left behind by the Dawkins family to life. The intactness of the plantation ruins, particularly those at Suttons, are tangible evidence of the large scale sugar production which took place across Jamaica during the period of slavery and the extensive labour force needed to operationalise estates of this size. Moreover, the tombstones and their conspicuous location inside the church are an example of the self-commemorative monuments erected by slave-owning families who wanted to be remembered within their respective communities.

I had a fascinating day and am very grateful to Ms Audene Brooks and her colleagues at the Jamaica National Heritage Trust for organising and making this trip possible. I am also thankful to Mr Watson, Mr Laurel Robinson and all of the residents who provided me with directions to, and knowledge on, the whereabouts and history of the plantation ruins and Dawkins family monuments. Thank you.

[1] Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1994)

[2] MS.181A, Accounts Current with Drake and Long, (volumes 1 and 2), (Kingston: National Library of Jamaica)

[3] MS.12436, Long. E., Long Papers (A List of Landholders in Jamaica, Together with the Quantity of Acres of Land Each One Possesses & the Quantity Supposed to be Occupied & Planted), (London: British Library, C.1750)

[4] B. W. Higman, Jamaica Surveyed: Plantation Maps and Plans of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, (Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 2001), p.95-96

[5] Ibid, p.95

[6] Ibid, p.84-91

[7] 1B/11/, Accounts Produce or Crop Accounts, 1740-1928, (Spanish Town: Jamaica Archives); Hogsheads and puncheons are types of casks used for the transportation of consumable foods and liquid goods respectively.

[8] Ibid

[9] For more information see: Sidney W. Mintz. Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History, (New York: Penguin Books, 1986), p.50-52

[10] B. W. Higman, Jamaica Surveyed, p.92

[11] M. St. John Parker, ‘James Dawkins (1722-1757)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004)

[12] George Henry, ‘St. Paul’s Anglican Church, Chapelton’, The Jamaica Star Online, (Kingston: Jamaica Star, 2006); Christopher Serju, ‘How Clarendon’s First Capital Got Its Name’, The Gleaner, (Kingston: The Gleaner, 2012)

Global Migrations Conference in Edinburgh

By: Nick Draper

On Friday 4th and Saturday 5th July I was in Edinburgh at the Global Migrations of the Scottish People since c. 1600 conference, organised by the Scottish Centre for Diaspora Studies, based at the University of Edinburgh.  The conference was timed to coincide with Homecoming 2014, a year-long programme of events aimed primarily at people overseas of Scottish descent that includes under its umbrella the Commonwealth Games, the Ryder Cup and the 700th anniversary of the Battle of Bannockburn. In turn, Homecoming 2014 (the last such event was in 2009) coincides with the September referendum on independence for Scotland, so that the questions of Scottish nationalism and identity raised in the conference have particular resonance not only for Scotland but for the rest of the United Kingdom. The conference itself, sponsored by the Scottish Government and held at the National Museum of Scotland, presented a political balance in its opening by Gordon Brown and its welcome address from the Scottish Government by Humza Yousaf, Minister for External Affairs and International Development.

I gave a brief paper on the work of LBS and specifically the prominent place of Scottish slave-owners in the compensation records, as part of a panel on ‘Scotland and Black Slavery’ chaired by Phil Morgan of Johns Hopkins. My fellow-speakers were David Alston, whose meticulous work on Highlander Scots in Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice is available on the Slaves and Highlanders website, and Eric Graham, an associate of the LBS project, who spoke on Burns & the Sugar Plantocracy of Ayrshire, the title of his recently republished book detailing an intense regional nexus of slavery connections. The panel represented part of the effort underway to re-inscribe colonial slavery into the history of Scotland and its diaspora, an effort in parallel to our own work on Britain & Ireland as a whole and which seeks to complicate the dominant narrative of Scots as the historic objects of English colonisation.

I was not able to stay for the conference sessions on Sunday 6th, but in the time I was there I was struck by the impossibility of imagining at present an equivalent conference on Global Migrations of the English People, or indeed an English celebration equivalent to Homecoming 2014. English nationalism is not (yet) the object of academic enquiry, nor is it a respectable phenomenon in popular culture: but the effortless appropriation of British history by the English and the routine elision of the two could not survive the break-up of the United Kingdom, one result of which would surely be a need to discover a specific English history and English identity not as parochial and limited but as global and inclusive (difficult though that will be). I was also struck by an apparent gender division: based on the conference panels, the writing in Scotland of the history of the Scottish people appears to be a masculine preserve, whereas the new imperial history of Scotland is being undertaken by distinguished female academics in universities not in Scotland but in the former colonies themselves.